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名人英語演講稿1
Inaugural Address
On a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge -- to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress -- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective -- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request -- that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah -- to undo the heavy burdens...and let the oppressed go free.
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation -- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you -- ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
John F. Kennedy - January 20, 1961
名人英語演講稿2
helping every american with autism achieve their full potential is one of this administration’s top priorities. at the u.s. department of health and human services, we continue to strive to meet the complex needs of all people with autism spectrum disorders (asd) and their families. while there is no cure, early intervention is critical and can greatly improve a child’s development.
perhaps the biggest step we’ve taken to support those affected by autism and their families happened over a year ago, with the signing of the affordable care act. now, new insurance plans are required to cover autism screening and developmental assessments for children at no cost to parents. insurers will also no longer be allowed to deny children coverage for a pre-existing condition such as asd or to set arbitrary lifetime or annual limits on benefits.
also, thanks to the new law, young adults are allowed to stay on their family health insurance until they turn 26. for a young adult with autism spectrum disorder and their family, that means peace of mind. it means more flexibility, more options, and more opportunity to reach their full potential.
ultimately, there is more support for americans with autism than ever before. this means more promise of new breakthroughs that will help us understand autism even better. but in order to continue meeting the needs of people with autism, the combating autism act must be fully reauthorized. we still have a long way to go. working collaboratively with important partners, the affordable care act and the combating autism act will allow us to continue important research and develop and refine vital treatments.
there are still many unknowns. however, one thing is certain. we will continue to work harder than ever to find solutions and provide support to individuals with asd and their families. together, we can help reduce disparities and allow everyone to actualize their greatest potential.
kathleen sebelius is secretary of health and human services.
名人英語演講稿3
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
名人英語演講稿4
Dare to compete. Dare to care. Dare to dream. Dare to love. Practice the art of making possible. And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.
It is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at Yale, especially on the occasion of the 300th anniversary. I have had so many memories of my time here, and as Nick was speaking I thought about how I ended up at Yale Law School. And it tells a little bit about how much progress we’ve made.
What I think most about when I think of Yale is not just the politically charged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that I received. It was at Yale that I began work that has been at the core of what I have cared about ever since. I began working with New Haven legal services representing children. And I studied child development, abuse and neglect at the Yale New Haven Hospital and the Child Study Center. I was lucky enough to receive a civil rights internship with Marian Wright Edelman at the Children’s Defense Fund, where I went to work after I graduated. Those experiences fueled in me a passion to work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.
Now, looking back, there is no way that I could have predicted what path my life would have taken. I didn’t sit around the law school, saying, well, you know, I think I’ll graduate and then I’ll go to work at the Children’s Defense Fund, and then the impeachment inquiry, and Nixon retired or resigns, I’ll go to Arkansas. I didn’t think like that. I was taking each day at a time.
But, I’ve been very fortunate because I’ve always had an idea in my mind about what I thought was important and what gave my life meaning and purpose. A set of values and beliefs that have helped me navigate the shoals, the sometimes very treacherous sea, to illuminate my own true desires, despite that others say about what l should care about and believe in. A passion to succeed at what l thought was important and children have always provided that lone star, that guiding light. Because l have that absolute conviction that every child, especially in this, the most blessed of nations that has ever existed on the face of earth, that every child deserves the opportunity to live up to his or her God-given potential.
But you know that belief and conviction-it may make for a personal mission statement, but standing alone, not translated into action, it means very little to anyone else, particularly to those for whom you have those concerns.
When I was thinking about running for the United States Senate-which was such an enormous decision to make, one I never could have dreamed that I would have been making when I was here on campus-I visited a school in New York City and I met a young woman, who was a star athlete.
I was there because of Billy Jean King promoting an HBO special about women in sports called “Dare to compete.” It was about Title IX and how we finally, thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women in sports.
And although I played not very well at intramural sports, I have always been a strong supporter of women in sports. And I was introduced by this young woman, and as I went to shake her hand she obviously had been reading the newspapers about people saying I should or shouldn’t run for the Senate. And I was congratulating her on the speech she had just made and she held onto my hand and she said, “Dare to compete, Mrs. Clinton. Dare to compete.”
I took that to heart because it is hard to compete sometimes, especially in public ways, when your failures are there for everyone to see and you don’t know what is going to happen from one day to the next. And yet so much of life, whether we like to accept it or not, is competing with ourselves to be the best we can be, being involved in classes or professions or just life, where we know we are competing with others.
I took her advice and I did compete because I chose to do so. And the biggest choices that you’ll face in your life will be yours alone to make. I’m sure you’ll receive good advice. You’re got a great education to go back and reflect about what is right for you, but you eventually will have to choose and I hope that you will dare to compete. And by that I don’t mean the kind of cutthroat competition that is too often characterized by what is driving America today. I mean the small voice inside you that says to you, you can do it, you can take this risk, you can take this next step.
And it doesn’t mean that once having made that choice you will always succeed. In fact, you won’t. There are setbacks and you will experience difficult disappointments. You will be slowed down and sometimes the breath will just be knocked out of you. But if you carry with you the values and beliefs that you can make a difference in your own life, first and foremost, and then in the lives of others. You can get back up, you can keep going.
But it is also important, as I have found, not to take yourself too seriously, because after all, every one of us here today, none of us is deserving of full credit. I think every day of the blessings my birth gave me without any doing of my own. I chose neither my family nor my country, but they as much as anything I’ve ever done, determined my course.
You compare my or your circumstances with those of the majority of people who’ve ever lived or who are living right now, they too often are born knowing too well what their futures will be. They lack the freedom to choose their life’s path. They’re imprisoned by circumstances of poverty and ignorance, bigotry, disease, hunger, oppression and war.
So, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care. Dare to care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own lives. There are so many out there and sometimes all it takes is the simplest of gestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already. I know that the numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in community organizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religious activities.
You have been there trying to serve because you have believed both that it was the right thing to do and because it gave something back to you. You have dared to care.
Well, dare to care to fight for equal justice for all, for equal pay for women, against hate crimes and bigotry. Dare to care about public schools without qualified teachers or adequate resources. Dare to care about protecting our environment. Dare to care about the 10 million children in our country who lack health insurance. Dare to care about the one and a half million children who have a parent in jail. The seven million people who suffer from HIV/AIDS. And thank you for caring enough to demand that our nation do more to help those that are suffering throughout this world with HIV/AIDS, to prevent this pandemic from spreading even further.
And I’ll also add, dare enough to care about our political process. You know, as I go and speak with students I’m impressed so much, not only in formal settings, on campuses, but with my daughter and her friends, about how much you care, about how willing you are to volunteer and serve. You may have missed the last wave of the revolution, but you’ve understood that the dot.community revolution is there for you every single day. And you’ve been willing to be part of remarking lives in our community.
And yet, there is a real resistance, a turning away from the political process. I hope that some of you will be public servants and will even run for office yourself, not to win a position to make and impression on your friends at your 20th reunion, but because you understand how important it is for each of us as citizens to make a commitment to our democracy.
Your generation, the first one born after the social upheavals of the 60’s and 70’s, in the midst of the technological advances of the 80’s and 90’s, are inheriting an economy, a society and a government that has yet to understand fully, or even come to grips with, our rapidly changing world.
And so bring your values and experiences and insights into politics. Dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics. Some have called you the generation of choice. You’ve been raised with multiple choice tests, multiple channels, multiple websites and multiple lifestyles. You’ve grown up choosing among alternatives that were either not imagined, created or available to people in prior generations.
You’ve been invested with far more personal power to customize your life, to make more free choices about how to live than was ever thought possible. And I think as I look at all the surveys and research that is done, your choices reflect not only freedom, but personal responsibility.
The social indicators, not the headlines, the social indicators tell a positive story: drug use and cheating and arrests being down, been pregnancy and suicides, drunk driving deaths being down. Community service and religious involvement being up. But if you look at the area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far more troubling tale. Many of you I know believe that service and community volunteerism is a better way of solving the issues facing our country than political engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiples or choose them all-government either can’t understand or won’t make the right choices because of political pressures, inefficiency, incompetence or big money influence.
Well, I admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feeling disconnected and alienated. But at bottom, that’s a personal cop-out and a national peril. Political conditions maximize the conditions for individual opportunity and responsibility as well as community. Americorps and the Peace Corps exist because of political decisions. Our air, water, land and food will be clean and safe because of political choices. Our ability to cure disease or log onto the Internet have been advanced because of politically determined investments. Ethnic cleansing in Kosovo ended because of political leadership. Your parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built and subsidized transportation systems. Many used GI Bills or government loans, as I did, to attend college.
Now, I could, as you might guess, go on and on, but the point is to remind us all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim. And, as stakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice to participate. It is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularly now. There’s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights, to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.
It is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it’s a silent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see every day, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.
But as many have said before and as Vaclav Havel has said to memorably, “It cannot suffice just to invent new machines, new regulations and new institutions. It is necessary to understand differently and more perfectly the true purpose of our existence on this Earth and of our deeds.” And I think we are called on to reject, in this time of blessings that we enjoy, those who will tear us apart and tear us down and instead to liberate our God-given spirit, by being willing to dare to dream of a better world.
During my campaign, when times were tough and days were long I used to think about the example of Harriet Tubman, a heroic New Yorker, a 19th century Moses, who risked her life to bring hundreds of slaves to freedom. She would say to those who she gathered up in the South where she kept going back year after year from the safety of Auburn, New York, that no matter what happens, they had to keep going. If they heard shouts behind them, they had to keep going. If they heard gunfire or dogs, they had to keep going to freedom. Well, those aren’t the risks we face. It is more the silence and apathy and indifference that dogs our heels.
Thirty-two years ago, I spoke at my own graduation from Wellesley, where I did call on my fellow classmates to reject the notion of limitations on our ability to effect change and instead to embrace the idea that the goal of education should be human liberation and the freedom to practice with all the skill of our being the art of making possible.
For after all, our fate is to be free. To choose competition over apathy, caring over indifference, vision over myopia, and love over hate.
Just as this is a special time in your lives, it is for me as well because my daughter will be graduating in four weeks, graduating also from a wonderful place with a great education and beginning a new life. And as I think about all the parents and grandparents who are out there, I have a sense of what their feeling. Their hearts are leaping with joy, but it’s hard to keep tears in check because the presence of our children at a time and place such as this is really a fulfillment of our own American dreams. Well, I applaud you and all of your love, commitment and hard work, just as I applaud your daughters and sons for theirs.
And I leave these graduates with the same message I hope to leave with my graduate. Dare to compete. Dare to care. Dare to dream. Dare to love. Practice the art of making possible. And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.
Thank you and God bless you all.
名人英語演講稿5
Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.
It has made mistakes.
The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.
We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.
We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.
The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.
The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.
Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.
And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.
Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.
That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.
The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.
As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.
We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.
One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.
This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.
Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.
The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.
名人英語演講稿6
Mr.John Doleva,Hall of Fame Executive Committee,ladies and gentlemen,good evening.
名人堂總裁約翰·多勒夫先生、女士們、先生們,晚上好。
When I heard that I was speaking first tonight,I thought that someone made a mistake.The first speaker should be the great Allen Iverson.I need practice more than he does.
聽說今晚第一個(gè)發(fā)言,我以為有人搞錯(cuò)了。第一個(gè)發(fā)言的應(yīng)該是偉大的阿倫·艾弗森。相比于他,我需要更多的練習(xí)。
First of all,I would like to thank you for giving me this great honor.Your recognition has made tonight a most memorable moment for me.Although perhaps my career ended too soon,for me I treasure each and every moment.I am grateful for my time on the court,and for your recognition tonight.
首先,我要感謝給我如此殊榮,對(duì)我而言,你們的認(rèn)可讓今晚成為最難忘的時(shí)刻。盡管我的職業(yè)可能生涯結(jié)束的太早了,對(duì)我而言,我珍惜每一個(gè)時(shí)刻。我感謝我在球場上的時(shí)光,感謝今晚你們的認(rèn)可。
I would like to thank my sponsors.
我要謝謝我的推介人。
Bill Russell.I remember that you invited me to dinner at your house in Seattle in my rookie year.That evening,and all of your advice since,really built up my confidence and made me feel comfortable in a new country.
比爾·拉塞爾,我不會(huì)忘記在新秀季中,你邀請(qǐng)我到西雅圖家中進(jìn)餐。那天晚上,以及此后你所有的建議,讓我在新的國度中建立信心,倍感輕松。
Bill Walton.You supported me all the way.Thank you for your advice and encouragement.You were the first one who called me when I woke up from mysurgery.You told me to stay positive.I will always remember that.
比爾·沃爾頓,你一直都支持著我,謝謝你的建議和鼓勵(lì)。我做手術(shù)醒來后,你第一個(gè)打電話給我。你告訴我要積極,我一直銘記在心。
Dikembe Mutombo.I put you last because you are the oldest of the three.We played together for five years and had so many memories on and off the court.Nothing can break the bond between us—not even all those elbows you gave me in practice.
迪肯貝·穆托姆博,我最后提你,因?yàn)槟憧雌饋硎侨酥凶罾系。我們五年間一起打球,在球場內(nèi)外有許多回憶。沒有什么能破壞我們的友誼,就算在訓(xùn)練中你給了我不少“黑肘”。
譯注:相比82歲的拉塞爾,穆托姆博當(dāng)然不是最老的,這是個(gè)玩笑,謠傳說他非洲老家計(jì)算年齡的辦法是每年在一棵樹上砍一刀,后來他到美國打球,回到老家后發(fā)現(xiàn)樹上刻滿了字,就推說記不住自己的年齡了。
As you know I am from China,and my journey began there.
大家知道我來自中國,我的旅程從那里開始。
My parents were basketball players back in the 1970s.I heard so many great stories about them,about how they played and how good they were.More importantly,so many people know how good they are as people.I am very fortunate to be your son.
我的父母是上世紀(jì)七十年代的籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員,我聽過很多他們的故事,他們?nèi)绾未蚯,更重要的,如何做個(gè)好人。作為你們的兒子,我感到非常幸運(yùn)。
The gift I had from you was not only height...the way you taught me how to think,how to make decisions.And of course,my soft touch on the free throw line.Which is why I had 10,000 free throws less than O'Neill.
你們賜予我的禮物不只是個(gè)頭兒,你們教會(huì)我如何思考,如何做出決定。當(dāng)然還有罰球線上的柔和手感,這也是為什么我比奧尼爾少罰了10000個(gè)球。
My wife Li.We met when we were high school age.You know how much you mean to me.Thank you for being my life partner.Our lovely daughter Amy is a treasure to both of us.We wish she could be here,but she is in her first week of school.And she has to live with the consequences of choosing soccer over basketball...I'll fix that.
我的妻子葉莉也來到現(xiàn)場,我們?cè)诟咧袝r(shí)認(rèn)識(shí)的。你知道你對(duì)我有多重要,謝謝你成為我生命中的伴侶。我們可愛的女兒艾米是我們共同的寶貝,很希望她今天也能來,但她開學(xué)第一周。她還要承擔(dān)選擇足球而非籃球的后果……我會(huì)把她扳回來的。
My basketball journey began on the back of coach Li Zhangmin’s bicycle when he gave me a ride to my very first practice on the basketball court.I would like to congratulate you on a very successful and very long career as you retire this year.Thank you for your work and your effrot,and so many kids have benefited from you and your work.
我的籃球生涯始于李章明教練的自行車后座,他帶著我第一次去籃球場訓(xùn)練。你今年退休,我想祝賀你歷經(jīng)非常成功和非常漫長的職業(yè)生涯。謝謝你的工作和努力,那么多的孩子受益于你和你的工作。
Coach Li Qiuping you were my coach at the Shanghai Sharks.You led us to win so far the only CBA championship before I came to NBA,and you gave us so much and sacrifice so much in that year you lost your wife to cancer.Thank you for your dedication and your sacrifices to us.
李秋平教練是我在上海大鯊魚隊(duì)的教練。你帶領(lǐng)我們獲得迄今僅有一次的CBA冠軍,我后來就來了NBA,你付出良多,犧牲良多,那一年你的妻子因癌癥離世。謝謝你的貢獻(xiàn)和犧牲。
I want to thank the city of Shanghai,the Shanghai Sharks and the CBA league for doing everything to encourage me,prepare me,train me.They helped me to be ready for the next challenges in my life.
我要感謝上海市,上海大鯊魚對(duì)和CBA聯(lián)賽,你們盡一切努力鼓勵(lì)我、幫助我、訓(xùn)練我,讓我為人生中下一次挑戰(zhàn)做好準(zhǔn)備。
There is old saying in China that if the mirror is made of bronze,one can dress properly.If the mirror is history,one can predict ups and downs.If the mirror is people,one can reflect on one’s own weakness and strength.And now,I would like to mention a few mirrors in my life.
中國有句老話,以銅為鏡,可以正衣冠;以史為鏡,可以知興替;以人為鏡,可以明得失,F(xiàn)在我要提幾面我人生中的鏡子。
First,I want to mention Mr.Mou Zouyun.He was a basketball legend.Over 80 years ago,Mr.Mou came here to Springfield to study basketball.He went back to China and dedicated his life to Chinese basketball.Today,the CBA Championship Cup is named after him.This cup is the life goal that every CBA player can dream of.
首先,我要提牟作云,他是籃球界的傳奇。80年前,牟先生來到斯普林菲爾德學(xué)習(xí)籃球,回中國后,他把畢生精力都奉獻(xiàn)給中國籃球。今天,CBA聯(lián)賽杯以他的名字命名,這座獎(jiǎng)杯是每一位CBA球員夢想的人生目標(biāo)。
I am not the first Chinese man to play in the NBA.That honor belongs Wang Zhi Zhi.He was a pioneer for all future Chinese players who dream of coming to the NBA.He cleared the road for us and made so many sacrifices.I learned so much from him.Although he cannot be here today,I want to thank him.
我不是第一個(gè)到NBA打球的中國人,這份榮譽(yù)歸于王治郅。他是夢想到NBA打球的所有未來中國球員的先行者。他為我們掃清了道路,做出很多犧牲。我從他那里獲益良多。盡管他今年不能來,我還是想謝謝他。
Many people know the story that began when the Rockets drafted me in 20xx.Not many people know how much effort the Rockets put in before I arrived and throughout my career.Thank you to Les Alexander,Michael Goldberg,Carroll Dawson,Tad Brown,Daryl Morey and Keith Jones for making me feel at home in Houston.
很多人知道故事從20xx年火箭隊(duì)選中我時(shí)開始,可不是所有人知道火箭隊(duì)在我來之前和我整個(gè)生涯中付出的努力。感謝萊斯·亞歷山大、邁克爾·戈德伯格、卡羅爾·道森、泰德·布朗、達(dá)里爾·莫雷和基斯·瓊斯,讓我在休斯頓感受到家的溫暖。
When I arrived in Houston on my first day,Steve Francis gave me a strong high five and a big hug to welcome me.Steve has been the perfect big brother to me ever since that day.
我第一天來休斯頓時(shí),史蒂夫·弗朗西斯給了我一個(gè)大力擊掌,并深情擁抱來歡迎我,此后他一直是我的.老大哥。
Cuttino Mobley invited me to his home for something called“soul food.”I thought he meant salty food which confused me a little bit.Thank you to Steve,Cuttino and everyone on my early Rockets teams for making me feel so welcome.
卡迪諾·莫布里請(qǐng)我去他家吃“靈魂食物”,我聽成了“咸口食物”,讓我有點(diǎn)摸不著頭腦。謝謝史蒂夫、卡迪諾以及早年間火箭隊(duì)的隊(duì)友,讓我感到家的感覺。
Rudy T.is famous for saying,“Never underestimate the heart of a champion.”Rudy has demonstrated this not only on the court,but off the court too,especially in his battle with cancer.Rudy,you have always inspired me to be the better that I can be.
魯?shù)稀焚Z諾維奇有句名言:“永遠(yuǎn)不要低估冠軍的心。”魯?shù)狭π羞@一格言,不僅在場上,也在場外,尤其在他與癌癥抗?fàn)幍倪^程中。魯?shù),你一直激?lì)著我做到更好。
When Jeff Van Gundy arrived with Patrick Ewing and Tom Thibodeau,that coaching staff turned us into a tough defensive team,like he always does.
杰夫·范甘迪和帕特里克-尤因、湯姆·錫伯杜加入火箭后,教練組把我們變成防守強(qiáng)悍的隊(duì)伍,他一向如此。
With T-Mac,Shane Battier,Rafer Alston,we became a talented young team,especially with Dikembe.That team was not only competitive,but a team with a brotherhood.
我們有麥迪、沙恩·巴蒂爾、拉夫·阿爾斯通,我們朝氣蓬勃,才華橫溢,尤其還有穆托姆博。那支隊(duì)伍不僅有競爭力,還團(tuán)結(jié)友愛。
I always remember Coach Van Gundy said once that,“The best chance also could be your last.”That is true in basketball and in life.
我一直都記著范甘迪教練曾說:“最好的機(jī)會(huì)是你最后的機(jī)會(huì)。”在籃球和生活中都是這樣。
My last NBA coach was Rick Adelman.He helped us develop so many talented players like Carl Landry,Luis Scola and Aaron Brooks.We had a great run in 20xx-20xx,but unfortunately my injury cut things short and ended my time with the Rockets too soon.I will always remember my time spent with the Houston Rockets as some of the best times in my life.
我最后一個(gè)NBA教練是里克·阿德爾曼,他為球隊(duì)挖掘了卡爾·蘭德里、路易斯·斯科拉和阿隆·布魯克斯等天才球員。我們08-09賽季高歌猛進(jìn),但因?yàn)槲业膫次茨茏叩酶h(yuǎn),太早結(jié)束了在火箭隊(duì)的生涯。在休斯頓火箭隊(duì)的時(shí)光我將永遠(yuǎn)銘記,那是我生命中最好的時(shí)光之一。
As a basketball player,I was one of the most blessed players on the planet.I played against some of the best athletes in the world.
作為籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)員,我是這個(gè)行星上最幸運(yùn)的選手之一,我和世界上最出色的運(yùn)動(dòng)員交手。
A great athlete not only has great teammates,but great opponents.Great opponents push us forward.Opponents like Shaquille O’Neal.Shaq:Every game we played reminded me of the old saying,“What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.”Thank you for that.
偉大的運(yùn)動(dòng)員不僅擁有偉大的隊(duì)友,還有偉大的對(duì)手。偉大的對(duì)手推動(dòng)自己前進(jìn)。像大鯊魚奧尼爾這樣的對(duì)手,我們每打一場比賽都會(huì)讓我想到一句老話:“殺不死你的讓你更強(qiáng)大!敝x謝。
I consider Houston my second home,so I want to say something to the people of Houston.You stood by me in good and bad times.You gave me strength to move forward.I will always consider you my family.I am a Texan and a Houston Rocket for life.
我認(rèn)為休斯頓是我第二故鄉(xiāng),我想說說休斯頓人民。無論順境逆境,你們都在背后支持我。你們給了我前進(jìn)的力量,我將一直把你們當(dāng)做家人。這輩子,我都是德克薩斯人,我是休斯頓火箭人。
All of this would not be possible without the vision of David Stern and the NBA.Thank you to David Stern,Adam Silver,Kim Bohuny and everyone at the NBA for your kindness and support.
沒有大衛(wèi)·斯特恩的高瞻遠(yuǎn)矚和他建立的NBA,這一切都無從談起。謝謝斯特恩、亞當(dāng)·席爾瓦、吉姆·伯哈尼和所有NBA人,謝謝你們的好意與支持。
Finally,to Team Yao.We all look older and fatter than when we first met.
最后,謝謝姚之隊(duì),我們都比初相見時(shí)更老、更胖了。
Ladies and gentlemen,I like to pay my respect to Dr.Naismith,to the 361 members of the Hall of Fame,and to everyone who has contributed to the game of basketball all over the world in last 125 years.
女士們,先生們,我要向奈史密斯博士和名人堂的361名成員致敬,對(duì)過去120xx年對(duì)籃球運(yùn)動(dòng)做出貢獻(xiàn)的全世界運(yùn)動(dòng)員致敬。
All of these individuals are stars and together they form the galaxy in the universe of basketball.The game has inspired billions of people around the world.As one of them,I will do my part to continue to help grow the great game of basketball,and we all look forward to watching the stars of tomorrow emerge and shine.
所有這些人都是星辰,他們共同組成了籃球界的浩瀚銀河;@球運(yùn)動(dòng)激勵(lì)了全世界數(shù)十億人。作為其中一員,我將盡我的努力繼續(xù)推動(dòng)籃球事業(yè)發(fā)展,我們盼望著明日之星閃亮登場。
Thank you for this great honor.Thank you.
謝謝給我這份榮譽(yù),謝謝。
名人英語演講稿7
asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream.
出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前,美國既不會(huì)安寧,也不會(huì)平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石,直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。
but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred.
但是,對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門檻上的人們,有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中,切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的.苦酒,來解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。
we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。
the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神,不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到:他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連,他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。
we cannot walk alone.and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are.
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